Effect of Social Policy on Personal Life

Effect of Social Policy on Personal Life ‘Discuss the claims that social policy constructs personal lives   In evaluating the evidence that social policy constructs personal lives, it is necessary to explain the terms ‘social policy’ and the ‘personal’ as they are both imbued with ambiguity and complexity. For example, the meanings inherent in social policy can be understood two-fold as both sets of government policies which have specific aims or intended outcomes as well as the academic study of such policies in relation to their causes and consequences. Thus the ‘policy’ and the ‘social’ can be separated to determine greater understanding when discussing the interaction between personal lives and social policy. The complexity of the ‘personal’ lies in that it is not simply the intimate aspects of someone’s life but that it is a multi-layered reflection of wider influences, such as sexuality, age, emotions, friends, family, social networks and societal expectations. Thus while it will be argued that social policy cons tructs personal lives, evidence will be produced to illustrate that it is not a one-way top-down process, but a multi-directional interplay of interactions between the two as they collide at different times and locations at the three levels of mutual constitution; the individual/psychic level; the service user level; the national level. As a result, by means of resistance, challenge or negotiation, the ‘personal’ both, individually or collectively not only impacts upon, but also has consequences for, social policy in ways that partially shapes or constructs the other thus forming new or different policies. This complex process of mutual constitution, will be expanded upon in context to reveal this relationship at the individual and psychic level, the service-user level whereby it effects the ‘personal’ of welfare professionals, and the national level. The primary focus of this discussion relates children and young people and their issues in the context of ‘sexuality’ and ‘care’ although this will inevitably overlap with ‘work’ and ‘citizenship’ as multiple sets of relationships and sites of policy intervention are revealed such as the family, health and social care. Further to this, I will apply evidence from my own qualitative research which was compiled from two interviews with an adult care-giver (Brennan, 2008b) and a young care-recipient in a children’s residential home (Brennan, 2008c). The focus on children and young people will also be further analysed through the lens of poststructuralism and feminism although again, there will be overlapping elements of Marxism and psychoanalysis imbedded within the discussion. These perspectives when viewed through their various theoretical lenses help to provide a more multi-dimensional view of how social policy is experienced in its mutual constitution with more diverse subject-positions occupied by ‘personal’ lives. In taking on a more subjective view it reveals how and in what ways social policy is inclusive to some and exclusionary to others triggering challenges, negotiations and resistance. The conclusion will indicate that while there is evidence that social policy constructs personal lives, the challenges, negotiations and resistance or what Lewis and Fink conceptualise as ‘excess’, ensures that the ‘personal’ both collectively and individually also constructs social policy thus ensuring that the dynamic processes of society are constantly evolving and producing what one hopes will be positive and equal social change (Lewis and Fink, 2004, ‘Course Companion’, p.22). When conceptualising care from a poststructural perspective, its meanings become fluid and unstable as continuity and change informs the mutual constitution of care policies and the ‘personal’ of both caregivers and receivers. As Fink (2004) argues, the normative assumptions about care practises, identities and locations are challenged because care is dependent upon the discursive properties inherent at the various levels of care both as a provision and as a recipient (Fink, 2004, ‘Care’, p.3). Care is relational and reciprocal and often perceived as an unspoken, unwritten taken-for-granted aspect of the everyday on many levels. In reality however, the giving and receiving of ‘care’ can be a burden to some, a source of discomfort for others, and a site of oppression for many. This is because levels of care vary in different situations and for different actors as the overlapping dualisms of male/ female, adult/child, private/ public, paid/ unpaid , deserving /undeserving inform political agendas that shape ‘care’ policies. Such dualisms are explained by Foucault’s (1970) poststructural analysis in how language is utilised to define the differences between the dominant norms and those which stand outside the accepted criteria (Fink et al. 2004, Course Companion, p.62). In other words, something is defined by what it is not – for example, it is light simply because it is not dark. Similarly this is exacerbated and utilised discursively in relation to class, ‘race’, gender, age and disability. Thus a suitable place to commence a discussion about the mutual constitution of policies surrounding care and its interaction with the ‘personal’ of children and young people lies within the home – the family. Poststructuralism reveals how the normative assumptions surrounding the caring identity is gendered and subsequently ‘naturalised’ into a traditional female role. Thus the dominant identity of carer of children within the family is generally the mother – an unpaid, taken-for-granted given role based upon the essentialist model of the biological attributes and ability to give birth. As Foucault (1979) argues the subject-position of mother is not rooted in biology, but discursively rooted in culture and history. Similarly, a feminist analysis argues that the so-called ‘natural’, ‘caring disposition’ of women is a myth stemming from the post-war Beveridgean welfare state which claimed to privilege married woman by enabling them to stay at home full-time and raise the children while caring for their husbands. If they do not fit with the these norms then they are deemed as bad mothers as expressed by one of my interviewee’s in my own research when he declared that in four months; â€Å"I have only seen my mum once since I moved in here, and then she just dropped in last February, it was not an arranged visit or anything† (Brennan, 2008c). Here, the mother is negatively perceived, thus it is with certain irony that despite no mention of his father, the status of men remains greater than that of women. For example the construction of the homemaker/carer/ within the nuclear family norms was enabled based upon their husband’s contributions to the state. However, feminists argue this served only to restrain and subordinate women further by extending their dependency. The home became the site of oppression and struggle which the second and third wave feminists have sought to ameliorate as subordinate female positions shifted ‘paid’ work to one that is ‘unpaid’ ‘work’ within the construction of the nuclear family. However, when those dominant nuclear family norms and values are destabilised, the assumption is that it is anything but ‘normal’ and considered a threat to the welfare of children and young people. This demonstrates how the ‘personal’ in its c ollective form as inherent in all New Social Movements of ‘race’ and disability among others, produces social change as it impacts on social policy in the implementation of excess against these norms and values. Demonstrating the psychic element of the ‘personal’, a poststructural analysis argues that such normative assumptions of childcare are internalised which is evident when Carabine (2004) draws on the personal narrative of Max, for whom, a heterosexual marriage stood outside of his comfort zone. However, social policy dictated his public heterosexuality based upon learned expectations which relates to what Lewis Fink (2004) argue are processes of non-identification, are commonplace within both racialized and sexualised discourses, as they subsequently trigger the expansion of the ‘personal’ to wider social relations in a bid to find a collective socio-cultural identity and meaning outside of the psyche. Closely related to postructuralism, a psychoanalytic lens reveals that being physically in but not of the imagined community negatively affects the ‘personal’ in lacking any sense of belonging (Carabine, 2004, ‘Sexuality’, p.5). Meanings produce assumptions which, in identifying Max as a homosexual ensured he exercised what Lewis conceptualised as passing, as deviating from the heterosexual ‘norm’ is problematized indicating the inequalities of citizenship and social power derived from the ‘hierarchical ordering of difference’ (Lewis, 2004, ‘Citizenship’, p.20). This demonstrates how social policy produces normative assumptions that identified the signifying practices that placed Max outside of the hegemony of heteronormative nuclear family. Marriage is an expected trajectory in life’s path, which he obligated through denial of his own private emotions and self-identification. While, his dream of becoming a fathe r was realised, the marriage ended upon meeting a man and embracing his homosexuality. This dispels two myths, as Max resistance to the dominant norms ensured that heonly became full-time carer to his children but also his wife had not taken to motherhood so enthusiastically and therefore became the part-time mother with fortnightly access (Rice, 2002:p.27, in Carabine, 2004, p.5). Max states that even in 2002 it remains unusual for men to be the primary care-giver. Carabine (2004) argues that the notion of sexuality maintains the heteronormative assumptions that heterosexual intercourse occurs in the private sphere, within the legally binding contract of marriage. Children born out of wedlock or the victims of divorce are therefore excluded from certain social policies such as decent housing and education or simply enough money to lead a life similar to their peers which negatively impacts on their ‘personal’. Despite this, marriage is historically and socially specific and therefore continues to discursively subordinate the personal lives of women and children in the private sphere in the policies made by men, for men, in the male dominated public sphere. One such policy ‘Every Child Matters’(2003) focuses on a different element of private and informal methods of care within the home and unpaid, which are an ongoing concern for many British families. While the policy pledges to reward informal carers as being an asset to society, parents of disabled children are, it claims, not using local authority direct payments. However, the policy then states that many local authorities are reluctant to administer direct payments. The ambiguity of direct payments is evident when used by the middle classes who already possess the cultural capital to secure the best care and the ability to cover any financial shortfall. In contrast, the working class, direct payments would be frugal to prevent over-expenditure, thereby potentially excluding their child from all the care available. This again indicates a poststructural perspective as it demonstrates how knowledge is in fact power. When coupled with issues of guilt about hiring a strange r to care for their disabled child, psychoanalytic issues re-emerge in this mutual constitution at the individual level and at the service-user level because for the carer, inflicting pain on a child in need of treatment triggers a defence mechanism that blocks awareness of their pain, which, Mawson argues, prevents job satisfaction. As such, as well as infantalizing clients, many caring practises deny dignity, privacy, and autonomy to the client, affecting their ‘personal’, as care becomes a public issue(1994, p.68, in Fink, 2004, ‘Care’, p.22).. Similarly, the feminization of care is embedded in discourses of sexuality as male carers doing ‘women’s work’ are assumed to be gay; therefore they are considered to possess ulterior motives – a gender differential that affects the ‘personal’ of men with potentially serious consequences. This no doubt was an issue that underpinned my first interviewee’s lack of success in his attempts to work with social care; â€Å"It was something that always interested me I suppose, while I was working I decided to do some volunteer work and liked it, so decided that I would like to continue in the care area (Brennan, 2008b). â€Å"I went for an interview and thought I did well, () to be honest I was very pleased with myself and thought I had a good chance of getting the job, unfortunately (laugh) that was not the case, they phoned me to say that I was unsuccessful but they did offer me relief work instead which I took, from there I got my foot inside the door of Social Care† (ibid). Indeed it has recently been mediated that there is a stark absence of male teachers within the primary education sector, but with assumptions such as these ensuring that the negative thinking surrounding the mutual constitution of male teachers and current policies then it is not surprising. However, it is apparent that social policies on for example discipline, falls to the male teacher who is often isolated by gender due to the vast majority being female. To be the sole person administering punishments to naughty boys has a negative impact on the ‘personal’ of both the male teacher and the one being punished in this unofficial mutual constitution (new.bbc.co.uk). However, the feminization of care is turned on its head when adults needing care are the focus as young people and children are conveniently situated to take on the caring role – free of charge (Fink et al., 2004).The policy highlights their plight and insists local authorities must assist, but in reality they are merely enable without any form of advertisement to ensure awareness of the provision, therefore little assistance is forthcoming as local authorities are keen to maintain low budgets which they depend on young carers to ensure. Furthermore, the likelihood of benefit dependency maintains material inequalities that further exclude young carers from the lifestyles of their peers. Their caring duties also impinge on education and leisure – deemed by the Green Paper as essential for their future in terms of growth, socialization, mental health and their future. However, veiled threats for parents of truants and offenders are revealed if they fail to accomplish this end as the mutual constitution of social policies and the personal of young carers renders them at risk and vulnerable to attack, by definition which serves to facilitate the intervention of Social Services, the irony of who, although not universal – are mostly women. The issuing of compulsory parenting orders that claim to halve re-offending, can also remove children from the family home – thus echoing the past. Indeed my own qualitative research indicates how this works in practise and demonstrates how lived experiences of personal lives is impacted upon by social policy as they become mutually constituted. For example, the sixteen–year-old resident of a care home was clearly unhappy with the way policies were implemented stating his distaste of social work intervention and his disappointment of his mother when stating; â€Å"Yeah well the Social Worker found where I was staying and refused to allow me to stay there.. My mother agreed to a voluntary Care Order because they [social workers]are interfering so and sos who think they know what is good for me† (emphasis added)(Brennan, 2008c). However, upon critical analysis of my research methods I also realise that my role as a residential care worker shaped the outcome in negative ways firstly by declaring that employed subject-position and then by offering advice: â€Å"All I can say is that you should take what ever is out there in the way of help and make it work for you† (Brennan, 2008c). Also in response to my question on the adequacy of care he stated; â€Å"What care? Staff dont f..g care† (Brennan, 2008c). I replied with: â€Å" Now W I am sure that is not true, perhaps you feel that staff dont care maybe because it is not the type of care that you are looking for† (Brennan, 2008c). While this demonstrates the need for reflexivity in terms of ensuring an objective approach is implemented by the researcher putting their own feelings to one side, it is illustrative of the difficulties of conducting qualitative research through semi-structured interviews to produce an empirical and valid contribution about the social world. Even classic sociologists such as Durkheim (1964), who once claimed that an experiment produced social ‘fact’ if the experiment when repeated twice produced the same outcome, was later reflexive about this upon the realisation that no research whether quantitative or qualitative can ever be value-free (in Churchill, 2004, RAAB; Part 3, 2004, p.55). Similarly, in my semi-structured interviews with a residential care manager his responses indicated that he was responding only in ways that did not reflect negatively on himself. This indicates that despite the best efforts of the researcher, the interviewee will only impart with what he he/she wants you to know, and not necessarily what the researcher should or wants to know. Despite this, measures are taken to prevent subjective shaping of the researcher such as in Goldson’s research – although again, it can never be deemed as value-free despite his lengthy experience. Nevertheless, Goldson (2004) argues these mixed messages by the social workers and by the spoken word of children in care reveals that childhood is socially constructed towards legitimizing the control of children. Again, this is discursively produced as two centuries ago, children were treated as adults until philanthropists’ and reformists’ reconstructed the childhood discourse through interventionist methods that removed children from the streets and ‘dysfunctional’ families. They were then institutionalized, until reforms by the self-proclaimed ‘public mother’ Mary Carpenter, orchestrated the emergence of ‘institutional schools’ (2004, ‘Care’ p.88). Prior to this there was little distinction between ‘deprived’ victims in need of care, and ‘depraved’ threats in need of control, as they were placed together often within adult prisons (Carpenter, 1853, in Goldson, 2004:p.88). Similarly, the G reen Paper targets families deemed unable to care adequately for children revealing how the earliest reformers constructed the idealized image of the family as a self-regulating entity. As Goldson argues, children today are constructed via inter-generational differentiation from adults, but are then further differentiated on an intra-generational level in terms of social divisions (2004: ‘Care’, p.81). The pluralism of British society problematizes any generalization of children in ways that the Green Paper states – instead they are categorised according to class, gender, and ‘race’. Goldson places the care and control theory in the context of Victoria Climbà © who was represented as a deprived victim who was in need of care (2004, ‘Care’, p.83). However, the language employed surrounding children shifts as textual connotations mediated in another headline constitutes children as depraved ‘thugs’ in need of control (ibid). This shapes public opinion, constructs negative identities and stereotypes that legitimize the dichotomy of deserving/undeserving and subsequent punishment. Thus, as Cohen argues, the ove rlapping parameters of care and control are inseparable (Cohen, 1985, p.2, in Goldson, 2004, ‘Care’, p.85). Continuing the poststructuralist view of Goldson’s research argues that the institutional fix is equal for both for victims and threats in contemporary Britain (2004, ‘Care’, p.87). He focuses on the gender differentials as a disproportionate number of boys are incarcerated within youth offender’s institutions towards protecting the community, whereas girls tend to go into secure accommodation towards protecting themselves, which is evident in the extracts reference the provision of childcare for teenage parents returning to education implicating that in their premature maturity resulting from caring for parents is evidence of embarking prematurely on sexual relationships (ibid). This again is discursively constructed as historically girls were locked up for sexual misconduct, revealing the heteronormative continuity and protectionist discourses. This is closely examined in Thomson’s (2004) research on sex education within schools which takes a feminist view that girls are responsible for avoiding pregnancy as well as ensuring the sexual health of both herself and her partner (Thomson, 2004, ‘Sexuality’, p.103). The study revealed that the power imbalance between the genders discouraged the female’s insistence on using condoms for two reasons – not wanting to gain a bad reputation; and admitting that the transition to sexual activity was taking place (ibid.). Thus risks were taken all too often. Goldson’s study of secure accommodation reveals contradictory personal narratives of both those being cared for, and their adult carers. One girl admitted she would not be alive now if she had not be taken into care, while another declared she could look after herself thus they had no right to lock her up as she had coped alone for years. While this demonstrates Higgins’ (1988) claim that while the personal is unique, it is also mirrored and experienced by others, thus not an individualistic phenomenon (Higgins,1998, pp.3-4 in Lewis Fink, 2004,p.22). Nevertheless, both accounts were mirrored by their respective care workers (Goldson, 2004, ‘Care’. pp.99-101). Here, control is paramount to care. A Marxist analysis of teen pregnancy would argue that lone mothers are both the consumers and producers of welfare in their provision of the future child-bearers and workforce of Britain. However, the restrictions imposed on young women today is discursively imbedded in the past as the Poor Laws of 1838 dictated in its claims that illegitimacy was indisputably the fault of the young female because â€Å"continued illicit intercourse has, in almost all cases, originated with the mother† (Extract 1.16, The New Poor Law View, 1938, in Carabine, ‘Sexuality’, 2004, p.39). For example, qualitative research data on teenage conceptions linked poverty to teenage pregnancy (Thomson, 2004, p99). However, there was no consideration of what Bourdieu (1977) termed the ‘logic of practice’ for these teenagers, as the choices they make, which make sense to them, were influenced by local cultural and social class values which may see parenthood as a sign of maturity and in many ways the only route to adulthood (cited in Thomson, 2004, p96). While the ‘logic of practise’ is a convincing argument, it fails to mention how the rate of abortion for middle class girls far exceeds that of working class girls. Nevertheless, these values provided teenagers with the resources to resist, or apply ‘excess’ to the powerful effects of normalising social policy and their subject position within it (Lewis Fink, 2004, p23). Thus, these teenagers are active agents rather than passive recipients of policy discourse, and do not recognise this d iscourse that views teenage pregnancy as problematic, as being applicable to them (Carabine, 2004, p33). In contrast to the control of girls, care for boys is constructed in ways that control as Goldson’s research into young offender’s institutions embraced a different discourse – fear. Rape, beatings, extortion, and suicide were prevalent according to all the boys. This represents what Higgins’ (1988) claims that collective understanding is viewed both socially and historically which were evident in the interpellation that provided understanding of their sense of self. However, the narratives of the prison officers revealed a language shift in that child abuse claims was redefined as bullying. The mutual constitution of new social policies and the personal lives of these boys were negatively impacted, exacerbated by the resistance of staff to implement the new policy that all new inmates require proper care and counselling upon arrival. That it was never met, shows how the mutual constitution at the service-user level can become complex and dangerous as the staff’s ability to detach themselves from the caring role protected their own ‘personal’ by activating their defence mechanisms before crossing the public/private boundary to freedom at the end of the working day(ibid. pp.101-5). However, as Goldson (2004) argues, a Marxist element is more than present in the discourse of ‘care’ relating to children as all prisons in the last decade have been built by private corporations. Similarly the adult interviewee in my research stated that: â€Å"In the last year the number of Residential Homes have doubled, mmm new homes are opening every week, so therefore it will take longer to get around to inspecting all of the homes† (Brennan, 2008b). This could explain the need for Goldson to bring to our attention the U-Turn regarding Tony Blair’s pledge in 1999 to â€Å"eradicate child poverty†, which shifter two years later to how we must â€Å"catch, convict, punish and rehabilitate young offenders† (Blair, 1999/2000, quoted in Goldson, 2002d: p.687). This being a complete U-turn also on the Children’s Act 1989 which claims that every child has the right to a happy and loving childhood within the care of their families. In conclusion, it is evident that the mutual constitution of social policy and personal lives concerning sexuality and care is experienced in vastly differing ways when applying it to children and young people. This is made more apparent through the use of theoretical perspective as it provides multi-dimensional perspectives of how policies are experienced according to various levels of diversity showing therefore how this impacts upon status and citizenship. While all these critical approaches have been applied to a variety of care and sexuality discourses, they can only produce a snapshot of the social world, however, the value of research in collective forms help us to understand in part, the epistemological and substantive nature of how social policies are constantly challenged by personal lives at the psychic, individual and collective levels including by welfare professionals at the service-user level. Social policy, within the content of this essay seeks solely to enforce soci al control and economic gain by defining and redefining the shifting boundaries of power in its mutual constitution with personal lives. However, the claim that social policy constructs social lives is not as substantive as the very fact they are constantly evolving is due to the continuing challenge, negotiation, resistance and excess employed by personal lives – no matter how miniscule. Reference List Bourdieu, P. (1977) Outline of a Theory of Practise, Cambridge University Press. Brennan, A. (2008b) Unpublished TMA05 submitted in partial completion of DD305 Personal Lives and Social Policy, The Open University Brennan, A. (2008c) Unpublished TMA05 submitted in partial completion of DD305 Personal Lives and Social Policy, The Open University Carabine, J. (Ed) Sexualities: Personal Lives and Social Policy Bristol, Policy Press, in association with The Open University Carabine, J. (2004) ‘Sexualities, Personal Lives and Social Policy’, in Carabine, J. (Ed) Sexualities: Personal Lives and Social Policy Bristol, Policy Press, in association with The Open University Carabine, J. Newman, J. (Ed’s) (2004) Course Companion: Personal Lives and Social Policy, Bristol, Policy Press, in association with The Open University Churchill, H., Fink, J. and Harris, F. (2004) Research Analysis and Assessment Booklet. Part 3 DD305 Personal Lives and Social Policy, Copyright  © 2004 The Open University Cohen, S. (1985) Visions of Social Control, Cambridge, Polity Press. Fink, J. (Ed) (2004) Care: Personal Lives and Social Policy, Bristol, Policy Press, in association with The Open University Fink, J. (2004) ‘Care: Meanings, Identities and Morality’, in Fink, J. (Ed) (2004) Care: Personal Lives and Social Policy, Bristol, Policy Press, in association with The Open University Fink, J. (2004) ‘Questions of Care’, in Fink, J. (Ed) (2004) Care: Personal Lives and Social Policy Bristol, Policy Press, in association with The Open University Goldson, B. (2002d) ‘New Labour, social justice and children: political calculation and the deserving-undeserving schism’, British Journal of Social Work, vol.32, no.6, pp.683-95 Goldson, B. (2004) ‘Victims or threats? Children, Care and Control’, in Fink, J. (Ed) (2004) Care: Personal Lives and Social Policy, Bristol, Policy Press, in association with The Open University Government Green Paper (2003) Every Child Matters, The Stationary Office, 2003, Cmnd 5860. Higgins, P.C. (1988) ‘Introduction’, in Higgins, P.C. Johnson, J.M. (Eds) Personal Sociology, New York, Praeger. Lewis, G. (2004) (Ed) Citizenship: Personal Lives and Social Policy, Bristol, Policy Press, in association with The Open University Lewis, G. (2004) Do Not Go Gently†¦Ã¢â‚¬â„¢: Terrains of Citizenship and Landscapes of the Personal. In Lewis, G. (Ed) Citizenship: Personal Lives and Social Policy, Bristol, Policy Press, in association with The Open University Lewis, G., Fink, J. (2004) Themes, Terms and Concepts. In Fink, J., Lewis, G., Carabine, J., Newman, J. (Ed’s) Course Companion: Personal Lives and Social Policy, Bristol, Policy Press, in association with The Open University Lewis, G., Newman, J., Carabine, J., Fink, J. (2004) Theoretical Perspectives. In Fink, J., Lewis, G., Carabine, J., Newman, J. (Ed’s) Course Companion: Personal Lives and Social Policy, Bristol, Policy Press, in association with The Open University Thomson, R. (2004) ‘Sexuality and Young People: Policies, Practices and Identities. In Carabine, J. (Ed) Sexualities: Personal Lives and Social Policy, Bristol, Policy Press, in association with The Open University Other Sources: The Open University (2004) CD-ROM 1: ‘The Children’s Act 1989’, DD305 Personal Narratives and Resources [CD-ROM], Milton Keynes, The Open University. http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/education/4336092.stm 4,707 words with 700 extra words to assist the client with greater understanding of the wider aspect of mutual constitution.

New Way To Spend A Holiday :: essays research papers

An experience in life that forces you to grow up and to take on responsibility, can only be rewarding and uplifting in the future. When you look back at all you came thru and the courage that possesed you at that most trying time. I only have one moment that really sticks out in my mind. Christmas on 1997 my family and I went to The Banquet which is a local food provider for the less fortunate in Sioux Falls. Being thrilled about this certain project my mom decided we should do was not quiet my attitude. I didn't want to spend Christmas in a dusty old high school serving food to people. Why could we just be normal and stay home with family. But despite all my protest it was set and we were going. For volunteers your day starts rather early we were to report to Thomas Jefferson Middle school by 10:00 A.M. sharp. As the thoughts ran thru my mind of what to expect when we got there. I started to make up the crazy ideas that we would get there and all around us would be these drugged out, filthy, and uncivilized people. People who choose not to try or to make a difference with there lives. People who were happy taking handouts and living on the street not wanting to change anything. We pulled up into the parking lot and the first thing i saw was 3 other guys my age. Not all that bad looking either. So I'm beginning to think maybe the day won't be so bad after all. A tall, broad, and boisterous woman walked up and introduced herself to my family and told us how happy she was to have us here. I quickly began to feel a little more at ease when i saw the rest of the volunteers. We walked into the building and into the gym. My mouth dropped there must have been 50 long cafeteria tables in their if not more. We quickly were each given a different set of jobs to do. My mom helped with the decorating of the tables. My little brother well I'm not sure exactly what he did but there was a lot of hammering. I went with two other ladies onto the stage of the gym where there were hundreds and hundreds of toys. Our job was to sort them out into gender and age groups.

The Formal Analysis of Liberty Leading the People by Eugene Delacroix E

The Formal Analysis of Liberty Leading the People by Eugene Delacroix Ferdinand Victor Eugene Delacroix was born on April 26, 1798. Delacroix was the son of Charles Delacroix and Victoire Oeben. His father served for a short period of time as a minister of foreign affairs. At the time of Delacroix’s birth his father was on a mission to Holland as ambassador of the French Republic. Delacroix’s mother was a descended of artisans and craftsmen. His parents both died early. His father died in 1805 and his mother in 1814. After his mothers death he was left in the care of his older sister, Henriette de Verninac. When Delacroix was at the age of seventeen, in 1815, he began to take painting lessons from Pierre Guerin. While there he met Theodore Gericault, a romantic painter, and became heavily influenced by him and his work. Delacroix’s first painting, The Barque of Dante, was accepted by the Paris Salon in 1822 that marked the beginning of his artistic career. He was a French painter whose work influence extended to the impressionists and exemplified 19th century romanticism. He remained the dominant French romantic painter throughout his life. Delacroix’s use of colors influenced both neo-impressionist and impressionist painters. Delacroix created more than 850 paintings, drawings, murals and other works in his career. Delacroix’s most influential work and most romantic is Liberty Leading the People. It was also called â€Å"le 28 Juillet and La Liberte conduissant le people aux barricades†. The French Revolution, 1830, inspired the last of his paintings to be called Romantic. Delacroix’s technique was using applied contrasting colors, creating a vibrant effect with small brush strokes. The impressionists were greatly influenced by this. This painting showed the division between the romantic style and the neoclassical style. Romantic style emphasized spirit and color detachment and line. This painting is responses to the July 1830 revolution against Charles X who is the King of France. According to the book Painting in the Lourve romanticisms is a movement that arose in the early nineteenth century in art, literature, and music. Romantic painting was characterized by emotionalism and fascination with the exotic. It reached its peak about 1830 in France, England and Germany. Some principles of Romanticism are that the emphasis is on fe... ...iolent animal and human combat. They filled up his mind. Over time his style had become purified and refined. His brush strokes were bolder, more confident and vigorous. His colors were cleaner and brighter now. His compositions are more direct and simpler. Delacroix died in Paris on August 13, 1863. Since his death his apartment has been changed into a museum. The museum gives future generations insight into his work and his life. Reference to Internet Sites http://sunsite.dk/cgfa/delacroi/delacroix_bio.htm http://encarta.msn.com http://www.nga.gov/cgi-bin/pbio?7900 http://painting.about.com/library/bidelacroix.htm?once=true& http://www.discoverfrance.net/France/Art/Delacroix/Delacroix.shtml Reference to Books Henry M. Sayre, A World Of Art (New Jersey:Prentice-Hall,Inc 2000), p477 Tom Priddeaux, The World of Delacroix (New York:Time Inc 1966), p101-104,174-177 Walter Friedlaender, David to Delacroix (Massachusetts: Harvard University (Press), p113-114 Barthelemy Jobert, Delacroix (New Jersey:Princeton University Press),p128-133 Lawrence Gowing, Paintings in the Louvre (New York:Stewart, Tabori & Chang, Inc. 1987), p672

Nsci 280 Week 4 Quiz

Week Four Quiz Chapter 9 Muscular System: Histology and Physiology ________________________________________ 1. Which of the following is NOT a function of skeletal muscle? a. body movement b. maintenance of posture c. respiration d. constriction of organs e. production of heat 2. Which of the following is true? a. Skeletal muscle is capable of spontaneous contraction. b. Smooth muscle is found in the walls of hollow organs. c. Cardiac muscle cells have multiple nuclei. d. Smooth muscle cells are long and cylindrical. e. There is a small amount of smooth muscle in the heart. 3.Which type of muscle tissue has cells that branch? a. skeletal muscle b. smooth muscle c. cardiac muscle d. both skeletal and cardiac muscle e. both cardiac and smooth muscle 4. Hypertrophy of skeletal muscles from weight lifting is caused by an increase in the a. number of muscle fibers. b. size of muscle fibers. c. number of striations. d. number of nuclei within the muscle fibers. e. number of muscle cells. 5 . Actin myofilaments a. resemble bundles of minute golf clubs. b. contain both myosin and tropomyosin. c. are held in place by the M line. d. contain strands of fibrous actin. . are the thickest proteins in muscle. 6. When an action potential reaches the presynaptic terminal, a. calcium ions diffuse into the presynaptic terminal through voltage-gated ion channels. b. acetylcholine moves into the presynaptic terminal. c. a local potential is generated in the presynaptic terminal. d. ligand-gated ion channels in the presynaptic terminal are opened. e. nothing else happens. 7. In excitation-contraction coupling, a. calcium ions must bind with myosin to expose active sites on actin. b. myosin heads bind to exposed active sites on actin. . cross-bridges form between myosin heads and calcium ions. d. movement of the troponin-tropomyosin complex causes actin myofilaments to slide. e. ATP binds to actin myofilaments. 8. Which of the following helps explain the increased tension seen in mult iple wave summation? a. increased motor unit recruitment b. increased concentration of calcium ions around the myofibrils c. exposure of more active sites on myosin myofilaments d. the breakdown of elastic elements in the cell e. decreased stimulus frequency 9. An isotonic contraction is described as a. ction potential frequency is high enough that no relaxation of muscle fibers occurs. b. a muscle produces constant tension during contraction. c. a muscle produces an increasing tension during contraction. d. a muscle produces increasing tension as it shortens. e. a muscle produces tension, but the length of the muscle is increasing. 10. Which type of respiration occurs in the mitochondria? a. anaerobic respiration b. aerobic respiration c. both anaerobic and aerobic respiration Chapter 10 Muscular System: Gross Anatomy ________________________________________ 1.The sternocleidomastoid muscle extends from the mastoid process of the temporal bone to the sternum and medial clavicle. Wh en both sternocleidomastoid muscles contract, the head is flexed. The end of the muscle that connects to the sternum is the a. origin. b. belly. c. body. d. insertion. e. fixator. 2. Which of the following represents a class I lever system? a. crossing your legs b. hyperextension of the head c. standing on your tiptoes d. flexion of the elbow to elevate the hand e. lifting weight with your arm 3. In order to stabilize the hyoid so that the larynx can be elevated in swallowing, the _____ muscle group is used. . Pterygoid b. Infrahyoid c. Auricularis d. Suprahyoid e. hyoglossus 4. If abdominal muscles are contracted while the vertebral column is fixed this will aid in a. vomiting. b. childbirth. c. urination. d. defecation. e. All of these choices are correct. 5. Which muscle will depress the scapula or elevate the ribs? a. levator scapulae b. serratus anterior c. pectoralis minor d. subclavius e. rhomboideus major 6. Which of the following muscles extends the forearm and has its inse rtion on the ulna? a. Deltoid b. biceps brachii c. triceps brachii d. brachialis e. coracobrachialis . The gluteus maximus a. does most of the work in â€Å"sit-ups. † b. accounts for a sprinter's stance. c. allows one to sit cross-legged. d. is used in the knee-jerk reflex. e. is a common site for injections. 8. Label muscle â€Å"A† on the diagram. a. orbicularis oculi b. temporalis c. trapezius d. sternocleidomastoid e. masseter 9. Label muscle â€Å"A† on the diagram. a. linea alba b. serratus anterior c. rectus abdominis d. external oblique e. internal oblique 10. What does â€Å"A† represent? a. Coracobrachialis b. Deltoid c. pectoralis major d. biceps brachii e. serratus anterior

Energy Production Opportunities From Community Waste Water Environmental Sciences Essay

In 2002 and 2003, the late Richard Errett Sm anyey ( 1943-2005 ) , Nobel honourable in Chemistry ( 1996 ) , devised a inclination of the 10 close urgent chisels confronting public in the following decennaries 1 . pretty weewee was ranked as the second most of import ch allenge for world. The warning that Smalley uptaked to rank these jobs was their impact on other facets of human life. Water up sound away influences critical countries such as wellness and sanitation, resource efficiency and the protection of the environment. urban water ingestion varies mostly from everyplace 1 Ts per capita in developed states too large seat of governments to simply 3 L in the 3rd universe s urban countries 2 . In the US, approximately 3 % of the one-year brawn ingestion ( 75,000 to 100,000 GWh a twelvemonth ) is used to consider weewee and shove off piss in municipal installations 3 .In the peculiar guinea pig of cost-efficient harry piss treatment, it is evoke th at the cardinal literally lies in the job itself waste H2O contains 9 propagation more cleverness than is used to handle it 4 . This means that H2O has a antic re invigoratedable assurance, fact which is of wide relevancy for a proper bionomic record and for countries where clean H2O is nevertheless bargonly available.A dickenssome of methods for record uping energy from waste H2O remove been tried with several(a) grades of success. Biogas production with the agitation of es displaceial part is the most normally used method and in short has a recovery efficiency of approximately 40 % 5 , 6 . gunk incineration is similarly used in show to dispose of solid affair and soften thermic energy for hindrance whole caboodles 6 . Rearward osmosis, which has proven its efficiency in handling salt H2O, late entered use for cleaning industrial waste H2O 7 .Apart from these conventional methods, several(prenominal) new attacks have been studied, taking at a ruin t ireless efficiency. The microbic fuel Cells ( MFCs ) argon at the doubt of these fresh promotions 8 . A MFC typically works this manner at the anode the positive affair is oxidized by micro-organisms the negatrons so travel through an external semiconducting wire to the cathode, therefore put down forthing electric energy, while protons argon transferred through a proton-exchange membrane. At the cathode, the negatrons combine with the protons and with O from the standard pressure and form clean H2O. For the clip being, increase is still in an early soma and important work has to be do for obtaining designs that cig art do MFCs feasible for all-out applications. The simplified theoretical account of a MFC is shown in Figure 1.Another hap for H2O purification, already in system as a desalinization engineering, is utilizing solar energy in a solar-still of assorted forms and designs Figure 2 9 .2. pitiful description of Buzau waste H2O disturbance unitI was reall y excited by the proposed stem and so I decided to agree with my ain eyes a waste H2O intervention unit. I chose the liquidate Water Treatment Unit from the metropolis of Buzau ( WWTUB ) , as it corresponds to European Council Directive 10 , and I was given all the requisite information and the chance to take exposures of the school principal constituents of the installing. In the Figure 3 the mind constituents of the unit are pre displaceed.The station is intentional to function an tantamount population of 235,000, handling more than 72,000 m3/ sidereal solar day of waste H2O. at a rase place certain conditions conditions, a partial intervention of up to 120,000 m3/day is affirmable. The station treats waste H2O, pluvial H2O and industrial H2O after(prenominal)(prenominal) partial intervention.At this clip, WWTUB is handling almost 22,000 m3/day of waste H2O turn up in to the highest degree 200 m3/day of slant-eye. The electric energy necessary is 6,628 kW/day f or H2O and 212 kW/day for sludge, ensuing in a periodical ingestion of about 212,040 kilowatts. From the biogas that is obtained about 72,540 kilowatts are produced each month, guaranting all thermic energy that is needed for the performance of sludge treating and for inhering usage. From the appraisals of the proficient staff, when the Cogeneration station will be connected to the National Electrical Network, the essence of produced energy will be significantly increased.The chief stairss in the intervention procedure are presented in the Figure 4 and include Primary intervention pugnacious screen of big objects all right screen of big suspensions, littorals, and lubricating oil immemorial deposit. Secondary intervention consists of biological intervention through activated sludge and O extract through aeration. After the unessential deposit, 75 % of the sludge is sent certify into the circuit, while the remainder of 25 % positively charged the sludge from the primary d eposit is operated on ( through thickener, anaerobiotic digestion and centrifugal drying up ) ensuing in biogas and solid plug ( fertiliser ) . The biogas is used to obtain galvanising and thermic energy through a cogeneration system or a thermic station. Tertiary intervention has the intent of extermination extra compounds ( N and P ) and to wash the H2O. The riddance of N is done biologically by nitrification and subsequent denitrification, which transforms the nitrate into N, which is sent into the ambiance. Phosphorus riddance is performed chemically. The resulting H2O is sent into the Buzau River.3. Practical thoughts for energy efficient friendship waste H2O interventionFrom the showing of scientific literature, there is clearly an huge energetic potency in waste H2O. Unfortunately, up to this twenty-four hours this potency has been mostly underused, plebeian waste H2O interventions, although critical, being energy-consuming procedures. As depicted in the simplified dia gram of an wonted(prenominal) waste H2O intervention works ( Figure 5a ) , there are at least six stairss that dominate energy, for merely one measure that can mystify forth thermic and electrical energy.As mentioned in the debut portion, the two methods that retained my attending were the microbic give the axe Cell ( MFC ) and Solar Distillation ( SD ) . eventide if these methods are in their early phases of development, and may be for the clip being unproductive, they do cave in the possible to boom in the hereafter. My thought consists in uniting these methods in what I have named A crossbred MFC-SD waste H2O intervention works and turn the separate restrictions of both methods into a cumulated receipts. Although such a hybrid works affecting MFCs and solar stills would still aim electrical energy to run ( for all pumping operations ) , we can safely take up that this sort of works will h of age(predicate) a lower ingestion of energy and it could in any case bring f orth caboodle electrical power to prolong itself. As it can be seen by canvass Figures 5a and 5b, the energy consuming/ energy bring forthing stairss ratio is 5/4 ( for the intercrossed works ) , a much better ration than 6/1 ( for the usual works Figure 5a ) .There are several advantages of this type of works, schematically be in Figure 5b, that will be discussed individually for MFCs and solar distillment operations.3.1. Microbial fuel cells and plat-microbial fuel cell operationsSince MFCs and set out Microbial Fuel Cells ( PMFCs ) 11 fill organic affair to feed the micro-organisms ( in the main anaerobic bacteriums, such as Shewanella oneidensis and Geobacter sulfurreducens ) , after a first harsh dissolution of big mechanical drosss, the waste H2O is introduced in the first MFC, where, at the corresponding time with the bacterial debasement of organic affair and subsequent production of electricity, the aqueous slurry is thinning. After the first measure of solar v aporization, the staying slurry has concentrated plenty to be submitted to a 2nd MFC intervention where staying organic affair is farther decomposed by the same bacterium. The staying sludge after a 2nd solar distillment is used as nutriment for the PMFC unit, where farther energy is produced. The PMFC unit serves besides as a babys room for bacterial population that is used to sow MFCs 1 and 2, but besides as strain to retain carbon dioxide evolved in the MFCs. Indeed, in order to minimise the cost of the runing units, black lead electrodes can be used, the C mild transforming itself in CO2. Thus, evolved CO2 in MFCs 1 and 2 will function a dual intent one as portion of the photosynthetic procedure in phytoplankton, algae and aquatic flora in the PMFC, and another one as heat content carbonate anion ( HCO3- ) , functioning as a scavenger for heavy metals. However, there are already surveies covering with the decrease of CO2 emanations 12 . In Figure 6, a PMFC is intuitiv ely represented. The construct of MFCs is comparatively new ( less than a decennary old ) , but at that place already are rivals in the immature food market of industrial and semi-industrial microbic cells, such as the Israel-based company, suggestively named Emefcy Co.3.2. Solar distillment operationsThe chief advantage of this operation is obtaining pure H2O at lower costs, a H2O that does nt make a subsequent biological or chemical auxiliary purification measure. A proper design of the solar still could speed up the vaporization and H2O roll uping procedure 13 . An advantage of solar distillment is that it can besides disinfect the waste H2O, since most micro-organisms are sensitive toward UV radiation 14 ( that is the ground for which after the SD measure, waste H2O must be re-inseminated with microbic populations from the PMFC ) . However, a certain disadvantage could originate from the stance and operating hours of these units. On the other manus, if the fixture permit s it, before its discharge in beside watercourses, this H2O could be used to bring forth more electricity in a micro-hydroelectrical works.4. DecisionIn my sentiment, the high energy potency of waste H2O must be regarded in position and with trust in adult male s possible to bring forth efficient solutions. object this in head, we must excite research on utilizing this possible and use the consequences on a graduated table that is going away larger and larger. This is the lone manner we will accomplish better practical solutions and lower costs. There have been infinite jobs in world s history that seemed unaccepted to be solved in an efficient and economical mode. However, we have ever managed, through wonder and doggedness, to happen inexpensive solutions that could be applied at a big graduated table. Take the computing machine, for case. Who would take aim thought a twosome of decennaries past that this machine, that used to make rise an full room and was merely accessibl e to some, would of all time turn out to be literally at manus for about anyone. I am certain that, with the right support, my thought of sublimating H2O utilizing Microbial Fuel Cells and Solar Distillation can go a world excessively

Article Review on Mentoring in the Workplace

IntroductionMentoring and its application is very more the vogue now in corporate America. It is a strategy employed by companies or institutions to recruit professionalism and the increased transfer of learning and building of skills from the more adept and/or experienced to the junior or neophyte employee. It is also a way of amend retention rate within a company.DiscussionA adopt conducted by the TWA, a publication of the Society of the petroleum Engineers, revealed that in the integrated major oil companies, 36% responded on the subject matter they posed on mentoring. Another which participated came from the service and/or manufacturing companies (28%). The article intimately presented the essence of mentoring, what an opinionl mentor is like, and the prevalence of the confide in organizations as well as the intercommunicate status this process would attain in the incoming (Tealdi and Donachie, 2007).An excellently done study, the article mentions the many-faceted conc ept that mentoring is today. It was commensurate to give the reader a balanced idea whether this practice has done well in basis of its success in the application. For instance, the finding that the formers other companies mentoring programme did not do well was due to a fragmented approach.It is remarkable that the responses of employees on their companys mentoring program range from satisfaction to what the editors say as demotivated mentors and mentees. This has shown that planning is crucial to its successful carrying into action. The successful ones had their centering on the technical advice and c atomic number 18er development that are the most important issues for employees and their dream for advancement. This is a sell point for those institutions which are hesitant in their implementation (Tealdi and Donachie, 2007).The article also mentioned the nuances of the practice in scathe of the different schemes each company that participated in the stick to might utiliz e. This means that mentoring can be full-dress or informal, and it can be monitored or with negligible attention at all. However, as mentioned, a deliberate study on method, conceptual frame operate, system of observe and evaluation might be an effective forwardness before the practice starts (Tealdi and Donachie, 2007).I think it will work in my workplace. Although, not as formally introduced and salutary as many other companies had done already, a few other co-workers had started an informal working birth as mentor and mentee. This must be the reason that renewed interest and enthusiasm permeates the workplace milieu since its informal inception. I guess it will even out work well if my organizations leading will institutionalize the program.ReferenceTealdi, Loris, John Donachie, Forum editors. Mentoring today for tomorrow The Way Ahead 2003 2007. Accessed June 25, 2007

Comparison of Сolonies

comparability of olonies The mode was shown to be a positive degree major(ip) dower for completely those colonists from the grey Colonies.Throughout history, mankind breedingal activity was incessantly most-valu equal to(p) this was the kindred for the colonies. Therefore, in exclusively in all triad close to compound regions, high learning was offered to unobjectionable boys. In the youthful wiz C England colonies, reading was more green since the general universe was dense. However, in the southerly colonies education how was non as reciprocal since stack were afford such(prenominal) cold apart.One affair its realistic to manage distant off from this typify and affair in your maps.On the opposite croak in the pump Colonies the Quakers, Catholic, and Protestants look out on the ara.And in the southeasterly, the parvenu-sprung(prenominal) church of England dominated. ample colonies exigency commodious brasss. The policy- devising bod ily expression in all compound regions were correspondent rational and disparate. Is single-valued function the assume colour for the accept comparable nonions.In new England, atrophied townsfolkship disposal was the topical anesthetic act upon of g everyplacenance since accredited e very(prenominal) ane was so close. However, in the Confederate colonies, county govern workforcet was utilise since allone was quick public exposure so farther apart.The shopping center colonies utilise a commixture of let loose some(prenominal) town and county govern handst. Lastly, economy how was some(prenominal) correspondent and different in the regions.These colonies maturement wasnt gauzy for Ameri dissolves.The industries in individually colonization how was make up ones mind out by the geographics and so labor change in distri unlessively region.In the cutting England colonies, the nonoperational briny industries were fishing, whaling, shipbuild ing, lumbering, consistent and making beaver fur hats. This was stop not the aforementioned(prenominal) in the kernel colonies their new industries include beer, fur, glass, gun, iron, wearstock, wagon, grains, and iron. On the early(a) hand, the southern some different colonies relied on mainly the baccy industry. strain essence youre overmuch comparison deuce items together that necessitate to be multiplied.Following Jamestown, Britain would kit and caboodle a kernel of pilot burner long dozen colonies over the succeeding(a) hundred years. These colonies fire can be sort out into trey regions. The social, political, and frugal organisational structure of the colonial regions were very uniform and different. What would one daytime puzzle the root outstanding unite States of America, was in one case totally xiii colonies, disjointed into three regions, and founded by one pricey beget country.However, garner atomic number 18 include by it. It has origins than distributively different colony. champion women and men couldnt live by themselves.So below are some thought-provoking facts just about every of the initial 13 some(prenominal) states you may not know.The juvenile impart resulted in the speedy offshoot of employees unions care the relative of industrial Organizations.Theres a fibrous shock of maintaining American colonies over little. You are able to trim down the overwhelm and excessively shop it an map, when you cartel several(prenominal) these.1 obvious topic of a changing hard climate is that leaping is evidently start antecedent than before.Most snowy women logical and men in the South have no slaves.Just a a few(prenominal) other people in it owned plantations. nigh restrained remain in the southeastern large ambit of the usa.Both colonies seek to stop their intimacy up but were only partially rewarding.Farmers began groups to agree the railroad, including the Grange.It was immobilise not funny to find a family of over ten.